Socialism: stop high pay and worn-out equipment from draining the reserve, and check big bets

Co-Authored-By: Claude Opus 5.5 <[email protected]>
Claude-Session: https://claude.ai/code/session_01QWPs69B8nQZjtPEUXMKzZx
This commit is contained in:
2026-09-24 17:09:11 -06:00
co-authored by Claude Opus 5.5
parent a0b16e7d48
commit 4006764a23
4 changed files with 67 additions and 13 deletions
@@ -62,13 +62,13 @@ Members can also raise their own salaries instead of taking profit, but that doe
A payout system can also be used to strip a failing firm. People who see trouble coming leave first and get paid in full, while everyone who stays absorbs the loss. So:
- **Every payout must pass a solvency test.** No payment may push the co-op below its loan requirements or a minimum cash level set in its bylaws when it's founded.
- **If a payout fails the test, it's paused for at most two years.** Interest keeps building, and nobody's account is cancelled. While any former member's payout is paused, **current members get no cash profit share and no bonuses.** Nobody gets paid ahead of the people who are waiting.
- **If a payout fails the test, it's paused for at most two years.** Interest keeps building, and nobody's account is cancelled. While any former member's payout is paused, **current members get no cash profit share, no bonuses and no raises above the going rate.** Nobody gets paid ahead of the people who are waiting.
- **Payouts rank behind the co-op's lenders.** In a bankruptcy, members' accounts are paid only after the co-op's creditors. That's the honest cost of being an owner, and it's the main reason for the one-year-of-pay cap.
- **The co-op doesn't lend to members against their accounts.** That would just be an early withdrawal by another name. Members can use their account as collateral with an outside lender.
- **Savings are insured, up to a point.** Every locked co-op belongs to a members' savings insurance pool, paid for by the co-ops. It covers workers' final unpaid wages, former members' unpaid payouts up to $50,000, and a protected slice of current members' accounts. See [Protecting Members' Savings](savings-guarantee.md).
- **No other savings in the co-op.** A co-op can't take deposits from its members or sell them bonds. A member's only money in the co-op is their account.
**Why this much caution.** Fagor, Mondragon's appliance maker and once the world's largest industrial co-op, went bankrupt in 2013 with about €1.1 billion of debt, putting 5,600 jobs at risk. Savers who had bought its subordinated co-op bonds, which had been sold as safe deposits, ended up suing ([Wikipedia summary of the Mondragon record](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mondragon_Corporation)). Shortly before Enron collapsed in 2001, about 63% of its workers' 401(k) retirement savings were in Enron's own stock ([GAO-02-480T](https://www.gao.gov/assets/gao-02-480t.pdf)). It's the same lesson: savings concentrated in the company you work for are the savings most likely to disappear with your job.
**Why this much caution.** Fagor, Mondragon's appliance maker and once the world's largest industrial co-op, went bankrupt in 2013 with about €800 million (about $1.1 billion) of debt ([The Local, 2013](https://www.thelocal.es/20131114/major-manufacturer-fagor-files-for-bankruptcy)), putting 5,600 jobs at risk. Savers who had bought its subordinated co-op bonds, which had been sold as safe deposits, ended up suing ([Wikipedia summary of the Mondragon record](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mondragon_Corporation)). Shortly before Enron collapsed in 2001, about 63% of its workers' 401(k) retirement savings were in Enron's own stock ([GAO-02-480T](https://www.gao.gov/assets/gao-02-480t.pdf)). It's the same lesson: savings concentrated in the company you work for are the savings most likely to disappear with your job.
## What the account doesn't do
+1 -1
View File
@@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ summary: A working model for building an economy where the people who do the wor
This model doesn't buy, seize or convert anyone's company. Instead it builds new worker-owned companies alongside existing ones, then lets customers and workers choose between them.
- **Workers own their company.** Every member gets one vote. A share of the profits grows with tenure until long-time members split them equally. Salaries still exist, and hard jobs still pay more. Part of each year's profit builds up in a personal account that's paid out when you leave, and part goes into a permanent reserve that keeps the business investing. An insurance pool the co-ops pay for protects workers' last paychecks and part of their savings if the co-op fails. A fair, fast process deals with members who won't do the work, with protections so it can't be turned on the wrong people. Membership comes automatically after a short probation, so co-ops in high-turnover work like home care don't end up run by the few who stay. Equal shares give members a reason to turn down growth into lower-paying work, so co-ops can grow by starting new co-ops they invest in instead. [Worker Ownership](worker-ownership.md), [Does Sharing the Profit Mean Less Effort?](free-riding.md), [When People Don't Stay Long](high-turnover.md), [When Growing Means Sharing](growth.md), [Member Capital Accounts](capital-accounts.md), [Protecting Members' Savings](savings-guarantee.md) and [Investing for the Long Run](the-long-run.md)
- **Workers own their company.** Every member gets one vote. A share of the profits grows with tenure until long-time members split them equally. Salaries still exist, and hard jobs still pay more. Part of each year's profit builds up in a personal account that's paid out when you leave, and part goes into a permanent reserve that keeps the business investing. Members can't drain it through high pay or let the equipment quietly wear out, and big bets get an outside opinion first. An insurance pool the co-ops pay for protects workers' last paychecks and part of their savings if the co-op fails. A fair, fast process deals with members who won't do the work, with protections so it can't be turned on the wrong people. Membership comes automatically after a short probation, so co-ops in high-turnover work like home care don't end up run by the few who stay. Equal shares give members a reason to turn down growth into lower-paying work, so co-ops can grow by starting new co-ops they invest in instead. [Worker Ownership](worker-ownership.md), [Does Sharing the Profit Mean Less Effort?](free-riding.md), [When People Don't Stay Long](high-turnover.md), [When Growing Means Sharing](growth.md), [Member Capital Accounts](capital-accounts.md), [Protecting Members' Savings](savings-guarantee.md) and [Investing for the Long Run](the-long-run.md)
- **A small public bank lends to worker co-ops.** It charges market rates, so it only succeeds if co-ops can really compete. Its whole job is to be willing to lend to a kind of company other banks won't. Spain, Italy and the US have all tried versions of this, and the pilot is built around what went right and wrong. [The Bank](the-bank.md) and [Has This Been Tried?](precedents.md)
- **Owners who want to sell to their workers can.** The bank lends for these sales on a separate track, with its own $100 million and its own test. Only healthy firms qualify, there's no new tax break, the price is capped at an independent appraisal, the seller shares the risk, and the whole workforce votes. [When an Owner Wants to Sell to the Workers](buyouts.md)
- **Co-ops funded this way stay co-ops forever.** They can't be sold to conventional owners, and members can't vote to cash out what earlier members built. An independent lock-holder can veto any attempt, including selling the business off piece by piece. [The Lock](the-lock.md)
@@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ An honest list of what the model hasn't solved yet, most dangerous first.
1. **Adverse selection on founders.** *(The most dangerous.)* The lock removes the exit, and profits are shared with every member. In the success case a co-op founder ends up with somewhere between a fifth and a twentieth of what a conventional owner of the same firm would ([The Founder Problem](founder-problem.md)). For founders without wealth the gap in what the bet is *worth* is smaller, but at the top it's decisive. If the strongest founders go conventional, the bank's portfolio is the rejected pool, and the test fails for reasons that say nothing about co-ops. The pilot publishes founders' backgrounds so this can at least be seen.
2. **The horizon problem.** *(Mostly answered.)* Members near retirement have little reason to vote for investments whose payoff arrives after they leave. The evidence from France and Italy finds no underinvestment where co-ops must keep a reserve, and [Investing for the Long Run](the-long-run.md) closes the main routes around this model's reserve: pay above the going rate, sales of assets, and development spending. Still open: nothing forces a co-op to maintain its equipment once its loan is repaid, reserve money could be wasted on bad expansion, and it's unsettled whether 30% is enough and whether the account rate is right. Letting members sell their places to incoming workers was rejected, because that is how the plywood co-ops ended up sold.
2. **The horizon problem.** *(Mostly answered.)* Members near retirement have little reason to vote for investments whose payoff arrives after they leave. The evidence from France and Italy finds no underinvestment where co-ops must keep a reserve, and [Investing for the Long Run](the-long-run.md) closes the main routes around this model's reserve: pay above the going rate, sales of assets, development spending, high pay that turns into losses, and worn-out equipment still in use. A warning light shows when a co-op stops replacing its equipment, and big bets get an independent opinion before members vote. Still open: nothing forces a co-op to maintain what it has, a bad bet that fails after its backers leave falls on the people who came after, and it's unsettled whether 30% is enough and whether the account rate is right. Letting members sell their places to incoming workers was rejected, because that is how the plywood co-ops ended up sold.
3. **Members' savings sit inside their employer.** *(Partly answered.)* [Member capital accounts](capital-accounts.md) are capped at a year's pay, protected by a solvency test, and now insured by a pool the co-ops pay for ([Protecting Members' Savings](savings-guarantee.md)). It covers final wages, former members' payouts and a protected slice of current accounts. Still open: the pool has no government backing, so a wave of failures in one recession could outrun it. Nobody knows yet what the premiums really need to be. And its legal form, probably insurance under state law, isn't settled.
@@ -2,7 +2,7 @@
title: Investing for the Long Run
section: The Co-op
order: 27
summary: Why economists expected worker co-ops to underinvest, what the evidence actually shows, and the rules that keep members who are about to leave from starving the firm.
summary: Why economists expected worker co-ops to underinvest, what the evidence actually shows, and the rules that keep members who are about to leave from starving the firm, running it down or wasting its reserve.
---
# Investing for the Long Run
@@ -44,7 +44,7 @@ The retiring plywood workers weren't doing anything wrong. They were making a fr
The horizon problem bites when the members voting today pay for an investment whose benefits arrive after they leave. How much it bites depends on where the money comes from.
**1. The reserve.** At least 30% of every year's profit goes into the co-op's permanent reserve (see [Member Capital Accounts](capital-accounts.md#where-each-years-profit-goes)). No current member can ever take that money home, so spending it on a long-lived investment doesn't take anything out of our machinist's pocket. The reserve is money that already belongs to the co-op's future, and it gets spent on the co-op's future.
**1. The reserve.** At least 30% of every year's profit goes into the co-op's permanent reserve (see [Member Capital Accounts](capital-accounts.md#where-each-years-profit-goes)). No current member can ever take that money home, so paying for the line this way doesn't cut our machinist's share this year. (The line's cost still counts against profit a little each year, as point 3 explains.) The reserve is money that already belongs to the co-op's future, and it gets spent on the co-op's future.
**2. Members' accounts.** Money members leave in their [capital accounts](capital-accounts.md) isn't lost when they leave. It's paid back to them with interest. So if the co-op keeps more of this year's profit in members' accounts to pay for the new line, the machinist gets her money back when she retires. Her real cost is the wait, and the risk that the co-op fails.
@@ -65,10 +65,10 @@ That leaves four ways the horizon problem can still get in.
**1. The reserve's share applies to pay above the going rate, too.** This isn't a cap on wages. Members can pay themselves whatever they decide. But the reserve takes its 30% of everything members receive above the going rate, whether it's called profit or pay.
- **The going rate for each job** is the higher of two numbers: the median pay for that occupation in the co-op's own metro area, from the government's wage survey (the Bureau of Labor Statistics' [Occupational Employment and Wage Statistics](https://www.bls.gov/oes/)), or the local living wage for a full-time worker supporting one child, from [MIT's Living Wage Calculator](https://livingwage.mit.edu/). The living-wage floor matters. In home care the median wage can be close to poverty pay, and a co-op that raises its aides to a living wage shouldn't owe anything for doing it.
- **Raising the bottom is free.** Pay up to one and a half times the local living wage never counts as above the going rate, so a co-op that lifts its lowest-paid well past a living wage owes the reserve nothing for it.
- **It's checked job by job.** Paying one group below the going rate doesn't make room to pay another group above it. An outside reviewer, the co-op's auditor or the bank's, assigns each job its occupation code from what the person actually does, not from their title, and the codes are shown to members next to each job. Where the survey has no figure for the metro area, the state figure is used, then the national one.
- **It counts total pay.** Employer retirement contributions above 6% of pay, bonuses, severance beyond the co-op's standard formula, and perks like a car, housing or loans to members, valued at cost, all count as pay. So does pay to non-members and to people working through a related company. Co-ops can't promise pensions or retiree benefits they don't pay for in full each year.
- **The going rate for each job** is the higher of two numbers: the median pay for that occupation in the co-op's own metro area, from the government's wage survey (the Bureau of Labor Statistics' [Occupational Employment and Wage Statistics](https://www.bls.gov/oes/)), or the local living wage for a single adult working full time, from [MIT's Living Wage Calculator](https://livingwage.mit.edu/). Both are measured per hour, so part-time work and consultants are compared fairly. The living-wage floor matters. In home care the median wage can be close to poverty pay, and a co-op that raises its aides to a living wage shouldn't owe anything for doing it.
- **Why a single adult's living wage.** In Salt Lake City in 2026, MIT puts the living wage at $24.64 an hour for a single adult and $41.55 for one adult supporting a child. An earlier version of this rule let pay up to one and a half times the second figure, about $130,000 a year, count as "raising the bottom." That would have let a co-op pay every cleaner six figures without the reserve getting anything. The single-adult figure, about $51,000 a year there, is still well above what most aides earn. Paying more than that is allowed. The reserve just takes its 30% of the difference.
- **It's checked job by job.** Paying one group below the going rate doesn't make room to pay another group above it. An outside reviewer, the co-op's auditor or the bank's, assigns each person the occupation code for the work they spend most of their hours on, not their title, and the codes are shown to members next to each job. Where the survey has no figure for the metro area, the state figure is used, then the national one.
- **It counts total pay.** Employer retirement contributions above 6% of pay, bonuses, severance beyond two weeks' pay per year worked (up to 26 weeks), and perks like a car, housing or loans to members, valued at cost, all count as pay. So does pay to non-members and to people working through a related company, and the value of any deal with a member or their family on better than market terms, like buying from a relative's firm above the market price. Co-ops can't promise pensions or retiree benefits they don't pay for in full each year.
- **How it's settled.** Thirty percent of the excess is moved from members' [capital accounts](capital-accounts.md) into the reserve. No new cash has to be found, because the members already took that money as pay. If a member's account can't cover it, the rest comes out of their future account credits, or out of their payout when they leave. For pay to non-members, it comes out of that year's members' profit pool.
- **There's a precedent.** US tax law already treats salaries that aren't "reasonable" as disguised profit ([26 U.S.C. § 162(a)(1)](https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/26/162)), so owners can't dodge tax by calling profit pay. This rule stops the same disguise being used to dodge the reserve. The tax test is judged case by case. This one is a fixed formula, so it's cruder but much harder to argue about.
@@ -83,9 +83,63 @@ That leaves four ways the horizon problem can still get in.
**4. Accounts earn a fair rate while they're at risk.** A current member's account earns the one-year Treasury rate plus two percentage points, credited in years the co-op makes a profit. In a loss year it earns the plain Treasury rate. Money in a current member's account is at risk: it shares in the co-op's losses and ranks behind its lenders. Paying only a risk-free rate on it would push every member to take cash instead. **Once a member leaves, the balance earns the plain Treasury rate.** It no longer shares in losses, so it's no longer at risk, and nobody should collect a premium from the work of people they no longer work alongside. For comparison, Italian law lets co-ops pay members up to 2.5 points above the rate on its postal savings bonds on the capital they've put in (Lomuscio and Tortia, 2023), and Mondragon paid 6% plus an adjustment for inflation (Morris, 1992). The details are on the [capital accounts page](capital-accounts.md#how-the-account-grows).
**5. The reserve doesn't pay for high pay in a loss year.** Mondragon calls its members' pay *anticipos*, advances on profits ([Morris, 1992](https://www.ilsr.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/mondragon-3.pdf)). This model treats the part of pay above the going rate the same way: as an advance against profit that hasn't been earned yet.
- **If the year ends in a loss,** the part of the loss up to the pay above the going rate, in that year and the year before, is charged to the people who got that pay, in proportion to how much each got. It comes out of their [capital accounts](capital-accounts.md), and out of their payouts if they've left since. The 30% rule 1 already moved from their accounts counts toward it, so nobody pays twice. The rest of the loss is shared as usual.
- **An example.** A co-op loses $50,000. Its managers were paid $30,000 above the going rate that year, and rule 1 already moved $9,000 of that into the reserve. The managers' accounts are charged $21,000 more. The other $20,000 of the loss is shared between the reserve and all members' accounts in the usual way.
- **What their accounts can't cover** comes out of their future profit shares, above the cash they need for tax, and nobody's above-going-rate pay can rise until it's repaid. After three years, anything still owed is written off.
- **Pay above the going rate to non-members** is charged to all members by share weight (how much of the profit each member gets), since members chose to pay it. Members whose household income is under twice the poverty line are left out, and so is the insured slice of anyone's account.
- **It never touches pay already earned.** Wages and bonuses already paid or earned stay paid. The charge falls on savings in the co-op, not paychecks.
Without this rule, members could vote themselves high pay, run the co-op at a loss, and let the losses eat the reserve once their own accounts ran dry. That would be withdrawing the reserve by another name, which [the lock](the-lock.md) forbids. The cost is real too. In an honest bad year, the best-paid people lose some savings, and some may leave.
## When members stop investing, or invest badly
The horizon problem has two mirror images. Members who are leaving soon might let the co-op run down. And because the reserve can never be paid out, members might spend it on expansion that doesn't pay.
### Running it down
Picture the worst case: a co-op whose members are mostly near retirement. What could they gain by letting it run down?
- **Pay can't drain the reserve** (rules 1 and 5), **and neither can selling off assets** (rule 2).
- **Closing doesn't pay.** If the co-op dissolves, members get their own account balances, which they'd get anyway, and everything else goes to the [federation fund](federation.md) ([The Lock](the-lock.md)). Nobody gets a windfall from shutting a working firm.
- **The co-op can stop hiring and shrink as people leave.** But workers it does hire join after probation, and members must do at least three-quarters of the hours ([When People Don't Stay Long](high-turnover.md)). It can't replace its members with cheaper employees.
That still leaves two real ways to run it down, and both come from how accounting works.
- **Skipped upkeep.** Repairs count as a cost in the year they're done, so skipping them raises this year's profit, and members share it.
- **Machines that are "paid for."** Accounting spreads a machine's cost over its expected life, its *depreciation*. Once that time is up, the machine stops counting as a cost, even if it's still running. If nobody replaces it, profit looks higher every year, and members split the difference. That's not savings. It's the machine wearing out.
**6. Worn-out equipment keeps being charged.** For the profit split only, buildings and equipment that are fully written off but still in use keep being charged at their last yearly rate, adjusted for inflation. That money goes to the reserve, not the split. So a co-op running on old machines builds up the money to replace them, instead of paying it out. Co-ops whose buildings and equipment are worth less than a tenth of their yearly revenue, like most service firms, can skip this.
There's no fair way to set how much every business should spend on upkeep, so this model doesn't try. Instead there's a warning light:
- **Every year, the co-op shows members how much it spent on new buildings and equipment**, including new leases, next to how much its existing ones wore out that year, adjusted for inflation.
- **If spending stays below wear for three years running, an independent inspector reports** on the condition of the main buildings and equipment. The lock-holder picks the inspector and the co-op pays. The report goes to every member, and to the bank if it's still owed money. The first five years after a buyout or conversion don't count, because buying a business makes its old equipment look like it's wearing out fast.
- **A co-op that's shrinking on purpose,** because its market is, says so in a written plan its members vote on. That's a warning light, not a spending order.
### Spending it badly
Critics worry that money members can never take home will feel free, and get wasted on expansion. Fagor, Mondragon's appliance maker, expanded across Europe and beyond, with plants in Poland, France, Morocco and China, much of it on borrowed money. Then Spain's housing crash took away its main market, and it went bankrupt in 2013.
The danger is real, but reserve money isn't free to members.
- **It earns money when it's not spent.** Reserve money that isn't used earns interest, and members share in that interest. Spending it on a project that earns less makes their share smaller. They only get about 60% of that interest, so it's cheaper to them than it should be. It isn't free.
- **Failures come partly out of members' own accounts.** When a project fails, its value on the books is cut, and that counts as a loss. Losses are shared between the reserve and members' accounts in the same proportions as profit ([Member Capital Accounts](capital-accounts.md#how-the-account-grows)). The federation's share doesn't take losses, so members pay about 60 of every 90 dollars, two thirds. That holds only while they're still there, and only up to what their accounts hold, which is capped at a year's pay.
**Fagor wasn't mainly a reserve problem.** It owed about €800 million (about $1.1 billion) when it filed for bankruptcy ([The Local, 2013](https://www.thelocal.es/20131114/major-manufacturer-fagor-files-for-bankruptcy)). A study based on 44 interviews found that Fagor kept units losing millions of euros a year open well before the 2008 crisis. Its elected board often couldn't follow the business plans managers brought it, so it approved them and fired the managers when they failed ([Basterretxea, Cornforth and Heras-Saizarbitoria, 2022](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0143831X19899474), summarized by the authors in [GEO](https://geo.coop/articles/failure-cooperative-governance)). The Mondragon group had already put €70 million into Fagor from its shared fund, and other co-ops had lent more. In October 2013, when Fagor asked for €170 million more, the group's council refused unanimously, saying the money "would not ensure its business future" ([GEO, 2013](https://geo.coop/story/major-mondragon-co-operative-faltering)).
The risks that remain are the ones Fagor shows: big bets that members can't judge, losses that show up after the people who voted have left, and help from other co-ops that keeps a failing business going. So:
- **A second opinion on big commitments.** Some commitments need an independent written opinion before members vote: a single investment, a purchase of another business, or borrowing, including leases and guarantees, bigger than a quarter of the co-op's own capital (its reserve plus members' accounts) or $250,000, whichever is larger. Related commitments within two years are added together. The lock-holder picks the adviser from an approved list, and the co-op pays. A lender to the project can't give the opinion. The opinion comes with a one-page plain summary, including what the plan means for members' jobs, and there's a members' meeting to ask questions before the vote. It's advice, not a veto. The co-op publishes it with the result of the vote, and three years later reports how the project did against the plan. Replacing worn-out equipment like for like, and loans the bank has already checked, don't need it. [Spin-offs](growth.md) get a similar opinion at a lower threshold.
- **Losing parts of the business are visible.** Where a co-op has separate lines of business, each one reports its own results to members every year ([Does Sharing the Profit Mean Less Effort?](free-riding.md#small-teams-open-books)). A line losing money for years can't hide inside the total.
- **A board that can follow the plans.** The federation offers training in reading the accounts, on paid time and open to every member, not just the board. The standard bylaws let members elect outside directors, from other co-ops or with business experience, but never more than a quarter of the board. The members choose them and can remove them.
- **Limits on propping up a firm, decided in advance.** The [federation's fund](federation.md) helps a co-op through a bad year. Help to keep a firm going comes with a recovery plan and a limit set before any crisis, and cuts to members' pay or jobs in that plan need the members' vote. Help for the *workers*, like finding them jobs in other co-ops if the firm closes, has no such limit. Mondragon kept supporting Fagor and then said no. It's better to agree on where the line is before anyone's firm is on the wrong side of it.
## What's still open
- **The end game.** A co-op whose members are mostly close to retirement and not being replaced could let its equipment wear out. The reserve can't be taken, and the rules above catch most of the ways to pay it out. But nothing forces a co-op to *maintain* what it has once its bank loan is repaid.
- **Too much investment, not too little.** Reserve money can't be paid out, so there's a risk it gets spent on expansion that doesn't pay. Fagor, Mondragon's appliance maker, expanded across Europe and China, mostly on borrowed money, including buying the French appliance maker Brandt in 2005. Then the Spanish housing crash took away its main market, and it went bankrupt in 2013 ([Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fagor)). Outside a bank loan, nothing here tests whether a big project is worth it.
- **Upkeep.** Nothing forces a co-op to maintain what it has. The warning light shows when upkeep falls behind, but members can still ignore it.
- **Late failures.** A big project that fails after the members who chose it have left is paid for by the people who came after. The second opinion and the three-year report make bad bets less likely and more visible. They don't move the cost back to the people who made them.
- **Deals with insiders after the loan.** The check on deals with insiders is a condition of the bank's loan ([The Hidden Boss](pilot-safeguards.md#the-hidden-boss)). Rule 1 now counts a sweetheart deal with a member as pay, but who checks for them once the loan is repaid isn't settled.
- **Whether 30% is enough.** Italy requires 30%. Mondragon found 20% too low and moved to 50%. This model uses 30% as a minimum that each co-op can raise. [The pilot](pilot-spec.md#what-gets-measured) measures investment per worker, and the return it earns, against matched conventional firms. So if co-ops invest too little, or waste what they invest, it will show.
- **Is the account rate right?** Two points above Treasury is well below what investors expect from a small business, so members may still prefer cash. Paying the co-op's own return on its assets instead would reward good investment directly, but it would also make the account more volatile. Which is better is unsettled.
- **Is the account rate right?** Two points above Treasury is well below what investors expect from a small business, so members may still prefer cash. Paying the co-op's own return on its assets instead would reward good investment directly, but it would also make the account more volatile. And lower-income members, who can take their whole share as cash, don't get the two points at all. That's fair only if the two points are a fair price for the risk the account carries, not a bonus. Which is better is unsettled.